Exit the Colonel (55 page)

Read Exit the Colonel Online

Authors: Ethan Chorin

84
Ouannes,
Militaries
, p. 279.
86
The National Transitional Council is currently investigating these charges.
87
Luis Martinez,
The Libyan Paradox
(New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2007), p. 63.
88
Said Haddad, “La Politique Africaine de la Libye: de la Tentation Imperiale à la Strategie Unitaire,”
Monde Arabe Maghreb-Machrek
, no. 170, October–December 2000, p. 32.
89
While the US praised Gaddafi for his assistance in applying pressure on the Sudanese government to end the conflict in Darfur, he was also linked to financing of the Janjaweed, the Muslim bands that razed southern Sudanese Christian villages.
90
Alexandre Najjar,
Anatomie d'un Tyran: Mouammar Kadhafi
(Paris: Actes Sud, 2011), p. 217.
92
Robert P. Baird, “Qaddafi's Dream,”
Boston Review
, May-June 2011. See
http://bostonreview.net/BR36.3/robert_baird_qaddafi_mosque.php
.
93
Haddad, “La Politique Africaine,” p. 33.
94
Abū Bakr Hāmid Kaḥal,
Tītānīkāt Afrīqiyyah
(Beirut: Saqi Books, 2008), p. 70.
95
Ouannes,
Militaires
, p. 283.
CHAPTER 3
1
Waniss A. Otman and Erling Karlberg,
The Libyan Economy: Economic Diversification and International Repositioning
(Springer: Berlin, 2007), p. 409.
2
Allan Gerson and Jerry Adler,
The Price of Terror
(New York: HarperCollins, 2001), p. 265.
3
Gary Hart, “My Secret Talks with Libya and Why they Went Nowhere,”
Washington Post
, Sunday, January 18, 2004,
http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A23872-2004Jan16?language=printer
4
Farrakhan claims to have received millions in support from Gaddafi since 1971. See
http://www.suntimes.com/4600486-417/louis-farrakhan-defends-gadhafi-as-a-brother.html
.
5
Meghan L. O'Sullivan,
Shrewd Sanctions: Statecraft and State Sponsors of Terrorism
(Washington, DC: Brookings, 2003), p. 200.
6
Judith Gurney,
Libya: The Political Economy of Oil
(Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 82.
7
André Martel, “La Libye, Vingt ans Apres (1986–2005),”
Maghreb-Machrek
, no. 194 (Summer 2005): 24.
8
Moncef Dja iri, “La Crise de Lockerbie,” in
L'annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord
(Paris: CNRS, 2000), p. 191.
10
Alan Friedman,
Agnelli: Fiat and the Network of Italian Power
(New York: American Library, 1989), p. 199.
11
O'Sullivan,
Shrewd Sanctions
, p. 216.
12
The identity of Fletcher's assassin was disclosed after the 2011 revolution; he was found dead shortly thereafter. See
http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/17/newsid_2488000/2488369.stm
.
13
Otman and Karlberg,
The Libyan Economy
, p. 410.
14
Jeffrey Steinberg and Scott Thompson, “An Imperial Love Affair,”
Executive Intelligence Review
, March 11, 2011.
15
Stéphane Lacroix,
Awakening Islam
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), p. 206.
16
Chorin interviews, sources requested anonymity.
17
C
h
orin interview with former Assistant Secretary Martin Indyk, December 2012.
18
Lyn Boyd Judson, “A Medal of Good Hope: Mandela, Qaddafi, and the Lockerbie Negotiations,” Pew Case Studies in International Affairs, no. 273, 2004, p. 5.
19
Bandar quipped famously in 2001, in connection with questions about the “British Aerospace” scandal, that “we [the Saudis] did not invent corruption.” See
http://www.guardian.co.uk/baefiles/page/0,,2095831,00.html
.
20
Judson, “A Medal of Good Hope,” p. 6.
21
Ibid., p. 7.
22
Ibid., p. 9.
23
Ibid., p. 6.
24
Ronald Bruce St. John, “Libya and the United States: A Faustian Pact?”
Middle East Policy
XV, no. 1 (Spring 2008).
25
The US opened a channel with the PLO, as a means of verifying what the Saudis were doing and to make sure, according to Martin Indyk, that “Bandar was straight” and that the Libyans were complying with closing the the Palestinian training camps.
27
St. John, “Libya and the United States.”
28
Chorin interviews with ambassadors David Welch and Martin Indyk, November-December 2011.
29
Chorin interview with Indyk, December 2011.
30
Judson, “A Medal of Good Hope,” p. 11.
31
Chorin interviews, sources requested anonymity.
32
Chorin interviews, sources requested anonymity.
33
Chorin interview with Indyk, November 29, 2011.
34
Gerson and Adler,
The Price of Terror
, p. 292.
35
Ibid., p. 293.
36
Ronald Bruce St. John,
Libya and the United States: Two Centuries of Strife
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), p. 187.
37
Daya Gamage, “Intelligence Partnership between Libya and the CIA on CounterTerrorism,”
Asian Tribune
, March 21, 2011. See
Asiantribune.com
.
38
Gerson and Adler,
The Price of Terror
, p. 198.
39
Chorin interview with David Welch, November 2011; and with Sandra Charles, February 2012.
41
In 2004, the Libyans, via Saif 's charity, settled with the families of the UTA bombing for a collective $170 million. A French court found Gaddafi's son-in-law Abdullah Sennusi, head of internal security; his right-hand man, Abdelsalam Hammouda; and four others guilty
in absentia
of the attack.
42
Robert G. Joseph,
Countering WMD: The Libyan Experience
(Fairfax, VA: National Institute Press, 2009), pp. 63–65.
43
“Bush Doctrine,” November 15, 2011, accessed in November 2011,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bush_Doctrine
.
44
Otman and Karlberg,
The Libyan Economy
, p. 408.
45
Rumors current in Libya at this time held that Gaddafi's wife, Safiya, was hysterical after the killing of Saddam's sons Uday and Kusai on July 22, 2003, and pleaded with her husband to save their sons from the same fate.
46
Condoleezza Rice,
No Higher Honor
(New York: Crown Publishing Group, 2011), p. 248.
48
Martin Indyk, “The Iraq War Did Not Force Gadaffi's Hand,” Brookings, March 9, 2004,
http://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2004/0309middleeast_indyk.aspx
.
49
Chorin interview with Wayne White, former deputy director of the State Department's Near East/South Asia Intelligence Office, March 5, 2012.
50
Rice,
No Higher Honor
, p. 251.
51
Chorin interview, source requested anonymity.
52
C
h
orin interview with Wayne White, March 5, 2012.
53
Rice,
No Higher Honor
, p. 249.
54
Abdul Qadeer (A.Q.) Khan is a senior Pakistani nuclear scientist responsible for creating global nuclear proliferation network that included China, North Korea, Iran, Iraq, and Libya.
55
Wyn Q. Bowen, “Libya and Nuclear Proliferation: Stepping Back from the Brink” (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2006), p. 44.
56
Ibid., p. 44.
57
Jean-François Daguzan, “De L'ennemi No. 2 au Premier de la Classe, Analyse de l'Abandon Reussi d'une Politique de Proliferation,”
Maghreb-Machrek
, no. 184 (Summer 2005): 76.
58
Ibid.
59
Mohammed El Baradei,
The Age of Deception: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times
(Doha: Bloomsbury Qatar Foundation Press, 2011), p. 158.
60
Ibid.
61
Daguzan, “De l'ennemi,” pp. 74–75.
63
Daguza , “De l'ennemi,” p. 72; El Baradei,
The Age of Deception
, p. 177.
64
El Baradei,
The Age of Deception
, p. 177.
65
O'Sullivan,
Shrewd Sanctions
, p. 229.
66
Unattributed, “Paul Wolfowitz Hits Obama on Libya, Blames Pan Am Families for Bush Policy Toward Gaddafi,” video, February 27, 2011,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/02/27/paul-wolfowitz-obama-libya-pan-am-families-bush-gaddafi_n_828797.html
.
67
Glen Segell,
Axis of Evil and Rogue States: the Bush Administration, 2000–2004
, Google Books, p. 143.
68
TIFA = Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, typically used as an intermediary step to more formal or expansive trade agreements. The US and Libya signed a TIFA on May 20, 2010, after two years of negotiations. See
http://libya.usembassy.gov/news-events/news-from-the-embassy2/united-states-and-libya-sign-trade-and-investment-framework-agreement.html
.
69
Chorin interview with Assistant Secretary Elliott Abrams, September 2011.
70
O'Sullivan,
Shrewd Sanctions
, p. 208
71
Chorin interview with Assistant Secretary David Welch, November 2011.
72
Natan Sharansky,
The Case for Democracy
(New York: PublicAffairs, 2004), p. 273.
73
Chorin interview with Wayne White, April 2012.
74
C
h
orin interview with Ibrahim Sahad, former head of the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL), January 2012.
75
Chorin interview with Fred Abrahams, April 2012.
CHAPTER 4
2
Chorin interview, source requested anonymity.
3
Chorin interview with Wayne White, March 8, 2012.
4
Ibid., April 2012.
5
For most of the first year, US diplomats were confined to a twenty-mile cordon around Tripoli and could only travel outside those limits with express approval from the Ministry of Foreign Liaison.
6
Chorin interview, source requested anonymity.
8
Wyn Q. Bowen, “Libya and Nuclear Proliferation: Stepping Back from the Brink” (London, England: IISS, 2006), p. 79.
9
Ethan Chorin, “The Future of the U.S.-Libyan Commercial Relationship,” in
Libya Since 1969: Qadhafi's Revolution Revisited
, Dirk Vandewalle, ed. (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 153–171.
10
Chorin interview, source requested anonymity.
11
Chorin, “The Future,” p. 166.
12
Paul Blumenthal, “U.S. Companies Lobbied To Keep Libyan Market Open For Business,” February 23, 2011; see
http://sunlightfoundation.com/blog/2011/02/23/u-s-companies-lobbied-to-keep-libyan-market-open-for-business-2
.
13
“US receives 1.5 billion dollars in compensation from Libya,”
Agence-France Presse
, October 31, 2008.
15
Nayed would later distinguish himself as the head of the National Transition Council's (NTC) Stabilization Committee, and subsequently as Libyan ambassador to the UAE.
16
Chorin interview with Burhaneddin al Muntasser, February 2012.
17
Chorin interview with Husni Bey, July 2011.
18
Ibid., June 2012.
19
Qureena/Oea: rajulal a'maal al libii Husni Bey: Khufitu wa Ujbirt ala tawqi' sheek bi milieen li ifraj ‘anni, November 14, 2007.
20
Chorin interview with Husni Bey, March 28, 2012.
22
Chorin interview, sources requested anonymity; and Otman and Karlberg,
The Libyan Economy
, p. 409.
23
Chorin interviews, sources requested anonymity.
24
Elizabeth Douglass, “Occidental CEO's 2006 paycheck: $460 million,”
Los Angeles Times
, April 7, 2007.

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