Male Sex Work and Society (51 page)
Read Male Sex Work and Society Online
Authors: Unknown
Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000
Survey participants offered information about their clients or paying partners, and in this context they discussed their sexual health when engaging in sex work. When asked how they met their clients, the most common response for nearly half of the sample was via chat rooms, followed by online agencies or escort websites (26 percent). Many also had regular clients who would contact them when they wanted to buy services (33 percent). About one-fifth used advertisements in the gay press or local newspapers to seek out clients, while others had clients come to their working flat, worked via an escort agency or in a massage parlor/brothel setting, or sought clients in bars/clubs or on the streets. Three participants said that other sex workers had introduced them to clients, and one described exchanging sex for accommodation: “This is the first time I have sold sex in exchange for services. Initially it was in relation to overnight accommodation and now in exchange for temporary accommodation with the one gentleman in question.” Most participants saw four or five clients a week.
The survey also addressed issues of health and safety. Although 39 percent had never experienced violence or theft from a paying partner, nearly half of the participants had experienced clients refusing to pay after the service had taken place, and a third had been verbally abused. A quarter had also been victims of physical abuse and nearly the same amount subjected to threats of physical abuse. Only 10 percent of those victimized had reported it to the police.
Almost half of the participants had worked in pornography or erotic modeling as well as sex work; of these, 28 percent have engaged in bareback sexual activities. Linked to concerns about sexual safety, the survey included questions about the participants’ knowledge of post-exposure prophylaxis, or PEP, which is a post-exposure treatment for the HIV virus. Some had a good understanding of PEP and had used it, but nearly one-fifth revealed that they did not really understand what PEP is and nearly one-third said they had no knowledge of it.
Despite the risk of HIV and other STIs, in the previous 12 months nearly 50 percent of participants had taken an active barebacking role when having sex with paying and nonpaying partners, and 30 percent had engaged in receptive barebacking. Of those who responded to these questions, more than one-quarter felt they had been at risk of contracting HIV in the past 12 months and the same number felt that just having sex created a risk of contracting HIV. Nearly three-quarters of respondents were content with the safety of sexual acts with paying partners, and the majority said they had not been diagnosed with an STI in the last 12 months. The most common infections among those who had were chlamydia and gonorrhoea.
Across the sample, participants revealed that they had accessed a range of National Health Service offerings and other sexual health services. Of those who accessed services, 70 percent said the service they received was “great” or “good” and that they would encourage a friend to attend the same service. About one-fifth said the service was okay, and less than 10 percent said they were not happy with the service and would not recommend it to a friend. Although nearly 60 percent of participants stated that they agreed they would be happy to tell the professional taking their appointment that they sell sex, about the same number said they had never accessed an outreach service for sex workers. Of those who had, a majority agreed that they would be happy to disclose to the outreach service that they sell sex.
Finally, the men were asked a series of questions about leaving the sex industry. They were presented with a range of statements about getting out; the results can be seen in
figure 11.5
.
figure 11.5
.
The figure indicates that, of the 69 participants who responded to this section of the survey, nearly 60 percent agreed that they are making a positive choice to sell sex and will stop when they are ready because they are in control of what they do. However, more than a third agreed that selling sex was a negative experience, that they did not like doing sex work, and that they would stop as soon as they could. Nearly 20 percent said they would stop doing sex work when they did not need the funds for drugs or alcohol, 40 percent that they would exit sex work if they were able to secure better paid work, and nearly 25 percent that they would exit sex work after they had completed their studies. Others indicated that they would leave the work when they were “too old” (although how old was too old remains unclear), when they had made enough money (again, how much was “enough” was not indicated), or when they could no longer get paying clients. More than one-third answered neutrally when asked whether they would like to sell sex for as long as they can, and about the same number responded neutrally when asked if they would stop selling sex if they discovered they had HIV, suggesting that some men would continue with sex work if they had a positive HIV status.
FIGURE 11.5
When Participants Say They Will Leave Sex Work
Discussion and Conclusion
This chapter has presented empirical evidence on the service needs of male sex workers, based on a survey of 109 primarily male respondents. Although it is not possible to argue that the findings represent the needs of
all
men who sell sex, the data revealed several important issues related to delivering progressive services. It is interesting to note that the findings revealed a lack of coercion, force, or exploitation among the participants, and that many men had chosen to engage in sex work at that point in their lives as a way of generating funds for the long, medium, or short term. Many said sex work was a supplementary source of income used to fund lifestyle choices rather than to survive; indeed, about half of the respondents said they were not dependent on their sex work income and that they were in control in terms of stopping. The data generally emphasized the voluntary nature of sex work. The participants were in the main highly educated; nearly half were university/college educated and five had postgraduate qualifications. This contrasts sharply with much of the research literature, which focuses on survival sex work, wherein many of the men are documented to have experienced multiple aspects of chronic social exclusion. The data presented give credence to polymorphous conceptualizations of sex work and demonstrate that radical feminist arguments positioning all sex work as always violent/exploitative and involving only women as workers are fundamentally flawed, as well as empirically inaccurate.
all
men who sell sex, the data revealed several important issues related to delivering progressive services. It is interesting to note that the findings revealed a lack of coercion, force, or exploitation among the participants, and that many men had chosen to engage in sex work at that point in their lives as a way of generating funds for the long, medium, or short term. Many said sex work was a supplementary source of income used to fund lifestyle choices rather than to survive; indeed, about half of the respondents said they were not dependent on their sex work income and that they were in control in terms of stopping. The data generally emphasized the voluntary nature of sex work. The participants were in the main highly educated; nearly half were university/college educated and five had postgraduate qualifications. This contrasts sharply with much of the research literature, which focuses on survival sex work, wherein many of the men are documented to have experienced multiple aspects of chronic social exclusion. The data presented give credence to polymorphous conceptualizations of sex work and demonstrate that radical feminist arguments positioning all sex work as always violent/exploitative and involving only women as workers are fundamentally flawed, as well as empirically inaccurate.
Almost half of respondents had worked in pornography; their responses highlighted a number of issues for sexual health services, in light of practices of barebacking evident in this part of the industry. Given concerns in the group about contracting HIV while engaged in paid and unpaid sex, having unsafe sex while working in pornography is an area requiring further study, as well as interventions from the appropriate services. Linked to this is the fact that nearly half the respondents had limited or no knowledge of PEP, which should be a key consideration, due to the fact that nearly a third of respondents felt that they had been at risk of contracting HIV in the previous 12 months. Moreover, the same number felt that they were at risk every time they had sex. Despite this, over half of the sample were happy with the services they received from sexual health providers, and over half felt comfortable disclosing their sex worker status to professionals. However, nearly 60 percent of respondents had never had any contact with outreach services. It would be interesting to explore this further, although it is likely that the limited number of specialist service providers for men engaged in sex work in the UK contributed to this finding.
The rate of robbery and violence among the participants was considerable, and a high level of verbal and physical abuse was common in paying partner relationships. When appropriate, service providers should consider offering referrals to specialized interpersonal violence services. The very low rate of reporting incidents to the police is also concerning, as sex workers should have full access to the criminal justice system and the protection afforded by the law. Specialist service providers thus should seek to make sex workers aware of reporting options, including the right to report anonymously. Given that sex work is a gendered discourse in and of itself, with most of the workers presumed to be female, the barriers for reporting violence specific to MSWs should be an area of further study. In the UK, unlike the rest of Europe and elsewhere, MSWs (as well as sex workers of all genders) are able to report anonymously into the National Ugly Mugs Scheme, which is a national database for recording violence committed against sex workers, with intelligence from the reports being passed on to the police. Members are also able to access “alerts” via the scheme about incidents where sex workers have been targeted, which helps them avoid making bookings with potentially dangerous individuals. It is recommended that this be used by sex workers and practitioners as a way of increasing reporting and of accessing support where appropriate.
The discussion around leaving sex work primarily reinforced the men’s claim that engaging in, and leaving, sex work was under their control. It was interesting to note, however, that most of the men said they would leave sex work when they were “too old” to continue. Further research around aging sex workers and retiring from the industry would provide important information about the different service needs the men might have along this trajectory and whether the type of services provided should change over the life course.
The data presented in this chapter offer unique insights into the experiences of men selling sex across the UK in multiple spaces; few previous studies have explored such a wide range of sex industry experiences in multiple locations. What is interesting, however, is that the themes emanating from the research have been coherent across space and place: most men make an economic choice to sell sex, most do it of their own free will, most are not addicted to drugs and alcohol, and most will exit when they decide it is appropriate for them. The data also present new avenues of research relevant to those practitioners delivering front-line services to male sex workers, including sexual health in pornography, equal access to the criminal justice system, limited contact with outreach providers, and continuing sex work at an older age. Contrary to current trends in the UK policy context (with Scotland looking toward the Swedish model), these data offer evidence that men engaged in sex work are often in control of their decisions and practices and exercise agency in the choices they make. The findings could be incorporated usefully in both local and national policy contexts, as they offer a strong starting point for understanding the service needs of male sex workers in the UK. In sum, the needs of men selling sex are multiple and varied, and specialist services must be creative in their efforts to engage men and offer service provision that truly meets their needs.
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