The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn (76 page)
41
Warnicke,
Rise and Fall,
pp. 1-3 and passim.
42
Privy Purse Expenses of King Henry the Eighth,
ed. N. H. Nicolas (1827), from BL, Add. MS 20030.
43
The Inventory of King Henry VIII,
ed. David Starkey (1998).
44
Edited in Wriothesley,
Chronicle of England,
i.189-226.
45
T. Amyot (ed.), ‘A memorial from George Constantine’, in
Archaeologia,
23 (1831), 50-78.
46
Burnet,
History,
iv.291-2; vii.239-
40; LP,
x.808; Herbert,
Henry VIII,
pp. 569-70. Cf. the genuine letter from Katherine of Aragon: Mattingly,
Catherine of Aragon
, p. 308.
47
Anne was not allowed to send letters:
Wolsey,
ed. Singer, p. 454.
48
BL, Add. MS 15117, 17492, etc. Quoted Shakespeare,
Henry IV
,
part
2: II iv 191. Published in John Hawkins,
History of Music
(1776) as communicated to him ‘by a very judicious antiquary, written either by or in the person of Anne Boleyn’.
49
How the letters reached Rome is not known. Most probably this was in Mary’s reign. The failure to use them in the divorce suit disposes of the suggestion that the letters were purloined to assist Katherine’s case: Warnicke,
Rise and Fall,
pp. 76-7; Starkey,
Six Wives,
p. 278.
50
The Love Letters of Henry VIII
, ed. H. Savage (1949), pp. 27-48;
LP,
iv.3218-21, 3325-6, 3990, 4383, 4403, 4410, 4477, 4537, 4539, 4597, 4648, 4742, 4894. The Savage edition must take priority because it contains photographs of the letters, but readings below usually follow
The Private Lives of the Tudor Monarchs,
ed. C. Falkus (1974), whose translations are normally to be preferred.
51
The Lisle Letters,
ed. M. St. Clare Byrne(1981).
53
Cavendish,
Metrical Visions,
pp. 20-47.
54
The Life and Death of Cardinal Wolsey by George Cavendish,
ed. R. S. Sylvester. Early English Text Society, 243 (1959). The completion date of the MS containing both the
Metrical Visions
and the
Life
was 24 June 1558.
55
The (revealing) full title of the
Chronicle is The Vnion of the two noble and illustre famelies of Lancastre and Yorke beeyng long in continual discension for the croune of this noble realme, with all the actes done... beginnyng at the tyme of Kyng Henry the Fomerth, the first aucthor of this deuision and so successiuely proceadyng to the reigne of the high and prudent prince Kyng Henry the Eight, the vndubitate flower and very heire of both the sayd linages.
56
Ibid., ed. H. Ellis (1809), pp. 789-90, 793-6, 798-806, 818-19.
57
Wriothesley, Chronicle, i. pp. ii-vi.
58
BL, Add. MS 40662; Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1er, MS 19378, ff. 1-19v. For a collation of Paris, BNF f.fr. no. 12795 collated with six versions in France see G. Ascoli,
La Grande-Bretagne devant l’opinion française
(Paris, 1927). The poem, printed as
Epistre contenant le proces criminel faict a l‘encontre de la royne Anne Boullant d’Angleterre,
by Carles, aulmosnier de Monsieur le Dauphin (Lyons, 1545), was reprinted in
Lettres de Henri VIII à Anne Boleyn,
ed. G. A. Crapelet (Paris, 1826), pp. 167-214. It is probably the Brussels MS
‘Traictie pour feue dame Anne de Boulant, jadis Royne d‘Angleterre, l’an Quinzecem trent trois’
that Meteren used for his account of Anne’s fall, which was taken up by Burnet, History, iii. 222-5. A ‘fantasy’ by a French prothonotary ‘touching the process of the late Marquis of Pembroke and of her complices’ was sent to Henry by Paget in 1543:
St. Pap.
ix.346 [
LP,
xviii.381].
59
De Carles cannot have seen the trial in the Tower as he reverses the order, placing Rochford’s first, but the Westminster Hall trial account shows a good acquaintance with English criminal procedure.
60
Bernard, in
EHR
106, 596; Ives, in
EHR
107, 657-9.
62
Comparing Hall,
Chronicle,
p. 819; Wriothesley,
Chronicle,
i.41-2; Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn,
ii.295 n.2, with de Carles, in Ascoli,
L‘Opinion,
lines 1235-9.
63
Another French MS poem tells the story of Rochford in the first person: in ibid., pp. 273-8.
64
Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn,
ii.312.
65
Smith,
Henry VIII, p.
36.
Chapter 5 Passion and Courtly Love
3
Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn
, i.44 interpreted this as a request to break his earlier betrothal to Mary Talbot, but such a construction is clearly wrong.
4
J. M. W. Bean,
The Estates of the Percy Family, 1416-1537
(Oxford, 1958), pp. 144-57; cf. M. E. James,
Change and Continuity in the Tudor North
(York, 1965), pp. 13-15; R. W. Hoyle, ‘Henry Percy, sixth earl of Northumberland and the fall of the house of Percy 1527-37’, in
The Tudor Nobility,
ed. G. W. Bernard (1992), pp. 188-211.
6
Illustrations of British History
, ed. E. Lodge (1838), i.20-1; LP, ii.1893, 1935, 1969-70, 3819, 3820; E. B. de Fonblanque,
Annals of the House of Percy
(1887), i.385.
7
David Starkey’s suggestion that the liaison lasted beyond 1523 does not allow time for the legalities needed to extricate Percy. See below, n.15.
8
The Boleyn-Butler match had not been initiated by the king and he was not committed to it unreservedly.
9
J. A. Guy,
The Cardinal’s Court
(Hassocks, Sussex, 1977), pp. 27, 31, 122, 163.
11
Cal. S. P. Span., 1534-35,
p. 33 [
LP
, vii.171]: ‘manifeste a plusieurs’: Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, England Korrespondenz, Karton 5, Konvolut 1532, ff. 1-2.
12
See p. 354. Wriothesley,
Chronicle
, i.41.
13
See Wolsey, ed. Singer, p. 645.
15
LP
, iii.3321, 3322, 3648.
16
LP
, iv.3986; Pocock,
Records,
i.22; Herbert,
Henry VIII,
p. 394; Kelly,
Matrimonial Trials,
pp. 35-53.
18
Setting aside Kelly’s more extreme hypothesis of marriage to a person unknown.
19
28 Henry VIII, c.7; Kelly,
Matrimonial Trials,
pp. 245-59; see pp. 354-5.
20
George Wyatt, in
Wolsey,
ed. Singer, pp. 424-5.
21
Wyatt,
Poems
, LIX. ‘quent’ = quenched; ‘erst’ = erstwhile; lines 7-8 = ‘And he who was once torn to pieces when he was entangled in the briars, can now laugh contemptuously at all the effort he expended.’ Warnicke denies that this poem refers to Anne:
Rise and Fall,
p. 252.
22
John Stevens,
Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court
(Cambridge, 1979), pp. 344, 388-9. I have omitted the first and third stanzas and utilized readings from both the Ritson and the Henry VIII MSS.
23
e.g. R. M. Warnicke, ‘The conventions of courtly love and Anne Boleyn’, in
State, Sovereigns and Society,
ed. C. Carlton et al. (Stroud, Glos., 1998), pp. 103-18. This paper omits to consider that what matters is not the significance of medieval courtly literature but what the Tudors made of it subsequently.
24
R. Vaughan,
Valois Burgundy
(1975), p. 163.
25
Renaissance Painting in Miniature
, ed. T. Kren (1983), pp. 169-74. Opposite Sala’s portrait are the words
Reguardez en pytye votre loyal amy qui na jour ne demy bien pour votre amytyé
[‘Look with pity on your loyal friend, who for love of you enjoys not a day or even a half-day of happiness’].
26
Hall,
Chronicle,
p. 707. For the 1511 Westminster tournament and disguising see ibid., pp. 517-19; Anglo,
Great Tournament Roll
.
28
See pp. 21-2. The fact that didactic texts warned of the dangers to female reputations is good evidence that women took risks.
30
For the following, see R. Southall,
The Courtly Maker
(Oxford, 1964); R. C. Harrier,
The Canon of Sir Thomas Wyatt’s Poetry
(Cambridge, Mass., 1975), pp. 23-54;
Collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt,
ed. K. Muir and P. Thomson (Liverpool, 1963), pp. xiii-xv.
31
BL, Add. MS 17492, ff. 56, 67v, 69. ‘amer ann i’ = (supposedly) ‘love Ann’.
33
Harrier,
Canon
, pp. 31-2, 41-5; see also R. C. Harrier, ‘Notes on Wyatt and Anne Boleyn’, in
Journal of English and German Philology,
53 (1954), 581-2. The hand that wrote the jottings and ‘sign ture’ occurs elsewhere in the MS [Harrier,
Canon,
pp. 28-9]; since the poem
‘That time that mirth’
concludes by imagining the relationship of poet and mistress restored, it cannot be directed to the supposed loss of Anne to Henry VIII [Muir,
Life and Letters of Wyatt,
pp. 16-17; Thomson,
Wyatt and his Background,
p. 22]. The second line of the ‘riddle’ should read ‘anem e’ and the final ‘an’ in the last line is possibly also detached: BL, Add. MS 17492, f. 67v.
34
G. F. Nott,
The Works of..
.
Surrey and of Sir Thomas Wyatt (
1815-16), suggested
‘Alas poor man, what hap have I’,
which Harrier and Muir agree not to assign to Wyatt; Strickland,
Queens of England,
ii.219, and M. A. S. Hume (ed.), in
Chronicle
p. 69, offer
‘Forget
not
yet’,
a Wyatt probable, but concerned with reminder rather than renunciation. S. W. Singer (ed.),
Wolsey,
p. 425, suggested
‘A face that should content me’,
but the addressee had blonde hair! A. K. Foxwell,
The Poems of Sir Thomas Wiat
(1913) proposed
‘Now must I learn
to live
at rest’,
but this concerns hurt pride at being conned by a woman who pressed her attentions but then failed to deliver. Raymond Southall argues for
‘Υe know my heart’
on the slim ground that the phrase ‘I and mine’ echoes a motto attributed to Anne, ‘Me and Mine’ [
Courtly Maker,
p. 174]. His argument [ibid., 174-5] for
‘Lux, my fair falcon’
as referring to Anne’s falcon badge cannot be accepted, since the imagery is of flight as freedom and there is nothing to associate it with any particular of the badge.
35
Muir,
Life and Letters of Wyatt,
p. 206; cf. Wyatt,
Poems,
CXXVI.
36
Ibid., V, and the editor’s comment on line 24.
37
For the motto, see pp. 173-5. R. L. Greene, ‘A Carol of Anne Boleyn by Wyatt’, in
Review of English Studies,
NS 25 (1974), 437-9; but Harrier, Canon, p. 54, rejects Wyatt’s authorship. For the text see pp. 141-2.