Heinrich Himmler : A Life (167 page)

113
. Musial,
Zivilverwaltung
, 115 ff.; Pohl,
Lublin
, 79 ff.

114
. Musial,
Zivilverwaltung
, 164 ff.

115
. In this context Hitler’s Directive no. 18 of 12 November 1940 (securing France and the Iberian countries, with a paragraph on ‘Russia’) and no. 21 of 18 December 1940 (Operation Barbarossa) are decisive; published in Walther Hubatsch (ed.),
Hitlers Weisungen für die Kriegführung 1939–1945. Dokumente des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht
, 2nd edn (Koblenz, 1983).

116
. On the deportation plans following the collapse of the Madagascar project see Browning,
Entfesselung
, 160 ff.

117
. BAB, R 49/20, published in Müller,
Ostkrieg
, no.8.

118
. BAB, NS 19/3979.

119
. BAB, NS 19/4007, Himmler’s notes for the speech.

120
. Note of Theodor Dannecker, appointed as the Gestapo Jewish expert in Paris, to Eichmann, of 21 January, CDJC, V-59, published in Serge Klarsfeld,
Vichy–Auschwitz. Die Zusammenarbeit der deutschen und französischen Behörden bei der “Endlösung der Judenfrage” in Frankreich
(Nördlingen, 1989), 361 ff., who also mentions the involvement of Göring and Himmler. Statement by Eichmann in the Propaganda Ministry, 20 March 1941, published in Adler,
Mensch
, 152; for details see Longerich,
Politik
, 287 f.

121
. After a conversation with Hitler on 16 March Frank announced to his colleagues that the General Government would soon be ‘dejewified’, see Präg and Jacobmeyer (eds),
Diensttagebuch
, 25 March 1941, 335.

122
. OA Moscow, 500-3-795, Heydrich note, 26 March 1941; see Aly,
‘Endlösung’
, 270.

123
. IfZ, NO-203, Brack to Himmler, 28 March 1941. According to a statement by Brack of May 1947, Himmler had given him this assignment in January 1941 because he feared the mixing of Polish and west European Jews (
Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10
, vol. 1 (Nuremberg, 1949), 732). Himmler had met Brack on 13 January 1941 (
Dienstkalender
).

1
. On the attack on the Soviet Union see, amongst others, Andreas Hillgruber,
Hitlers Strategie. Politik und Kriegführung 1940–1941
, 2nd edn (Frankfurt a. M., 1982); Horst Boog
et al
.,
Der Angriff auf die Sowjetunion
, updated edn. (Frankfurt a. M., 1991); Peter Jahn and Reinhard Rürup (eds),
Erobern und Vernichten. Der Krieg gegen die Sowjetunion 1941–1945. Essays
(Berlin, 1991); Bernd Wegner (ed.),
Zwei Wege nach Moskau. Vom Hitler–Stalin-Pakt bis zum ‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’
(Munich and Zurich, 1991); Gerd R. Ueberschär and Wolfram Wette (eds),
Der deutsche Überfall auf die Sowjetunion.‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’ 1941
, revised edn. (Frankfurt a. M., 1991).

2
. As he wrote in a letter to Lammers of 10 June 1941 (BAB, R 6/21); on this see also Rosenberg’s response of 14 June 1941 and the memorandum about the duties and powers of the Reich minister for the occupied eastern territories and of the Reich commissars and on the powers of the Reichsführer-SS, Chief of the German Police, and Reich Commissar for the Consolidation of the Ethnic German Nation, which Rosenberg sent to Lammers on 27 August 1943 (IfZ, NO 3726).

3
. BAB, NS 19/3874, 25 May 1941. On Rosenberg’s appointment see
‘Führer-Erlasse’
, 168 f. On the conflict between Rosenberg and Himmler in the preparatory phase of the war see Ernst Piper,
Alfred Rosenberg. Hitlers Chefideologe
(Munich, 2005), 517 ff.

4
. Christian Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde. Die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Vernichtungspolitik in Weiβruβland 1941 bis 1944
(Hamburg, 1999), 81.

5
. Guidelines for special territories for directive no. 21 (Barbarossa), published in Hans-Adolf Jacobsen, ‘Kommissarbefehl und Massenexekutionen sowjetischer Kriegsgefangener’, in Hans Buchheim
et al
.,
Anatomie des SS-Staates
, 7th edn (Munich, 1999), 449–544, doc. no.1.

6
. Address by Hitler on 30 March to senior generals, published in Halder,
Kriegstagebuch
, vol. 2:
Von der geplanten Landung in England bis zum Beginn des Ostfeldzuges (1.7.1940–21.6.1941)
, 335 ff., here 336 f.

7
. Hitler’s instructions to Jodl for the final version of the ‘Guidelines for Special Territories for Directive no. 21 (Barbarossa)’, 3 March 1941, in
Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht 1940–1945
, by Helmuth Greiner and Percy Ernst Schramm (editors-in-chief), vol. 1:
1. August 1940–31. Dezember 1941
(Frankfurt a. M., 1965), 341. In a speech to generals on 17 March Hitler also spoke of the annihilation of ‘the intelligentsia deployed by Stalin’; see Halder,
Kriegstagebuch
, ii. 317 ff., quotation 320. In his speech of 30 March (see n. 6) he spoke of ‘annihilating the Bolshevik commissars and the communist intelligentsia’.

8
.
Dienstkalender
, 10 March 1941, discussion with Heydrich on the cooperation of SS and police with the army.

9
. On 26 March Wagner was in a position to present a first draft order agreed with Heydrich (BAM,RW 4v/575; published in Jacobsen, ‘Kommissarbefehl’, doc. no. 2).

10
. BAM, RH 22/155, published in Jacobsen, ‘Kommissarbefehl’, doc. no.3.

11
. On the Balkan war see Klaus Olshausen,
Zwischenspiel auf dem Balkan. Die deutsche Politik gegenüber Jugoslawien und Griechenland von März bis Juli 1941
(Stuttgart, 1973); Karl-Heinz Golla,
Der Fall Griechenlands 1941
(Hamburg, etc., 2007).

12
. BAM, RH 31-I/v.23; cf. Roland G. Förster (ed.),
‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’. Zum historischen Ort der deutsch-sowjetischen Beziehungen von 1933 bis Herbst 1941
(Munich, 1993), 507 f., and also Walter Manoscheck,
‘Serbien ist judenfrei’. Militärische Besatzungspolitik und Judenvernichtung in Serbien 1941/42
(Munich, 1993), 41 f.

13
.
Dienstkalender.
The negotiations are described in detail in Andrej Angrick,
Besatzungspolitik und Massenmord. Die Einsatzgruppe D in der südlichen Sowjetunion 1941–1943
(Hamburg, 2003), 41 ff.

14
.
Dienstkalender
, 6 to 10 May 1941.

15
. On the Hess affair see Rainer F. Schmidt,
Rudolf Heβ—‘Botengang eines Toren?’ Der Flug nach Groβbritannien vom 10. Mai 1941
(Düsseldorf, 1997), 185 ff.

16
. There is no entry in the
Dienstkalender
but there is evidence for the fact that he was present on the Obersalzberg on the evening of the eleventh; he went back to work again in Berlin only on 18 May 1941. On the conference see
Tagebücher Goebbels
, 14 May 1941.

17
. On 9 May 1941 he discussed with Heydrich the Gestapo measures demanded by Bormann against these circles (
Dienstkalender
). After the war Ellic Howe, an expert on the astrology scene, collected relevant information:
Urania’s Children: The Strange World of Astrologers
(London, 1967), 192 ff.; see also Peter Longerich,
Hitlers Stellvertreter. Führung der Partei und Kontrolle des Staatsapparates durch den Stab Heβ und die Partei-Kanzlei Bormann
(Munich, etc., 1992), 153 f.

18
. IfZ, NO 204. The Personal Staff thanked Brack for this report on 12 May 1941 and informed him that Himmler wished to speak with him about it very soon.

19
. IfZ, NOKW 2079, published in Jacobsen, ‘Kommissarbefehl’, 184 f.

20
. On the setting up of the Einsatzgruppen see Angrick,
Besatzungspolitik
, 74 ff.; Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 19 ff.; Peter Klein (ed.),
Die Einsatzgruppen in der besetzten Sowjetunion 1941/42. Die Tätigkeits- und Lageberichte des Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD
(Berlin, 1997); Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, ‘Die Einsatzgruppe A der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD 1941/42—eine exemplarische Studie’, in Helmut Krausnick and Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm,
Die Truppe des Weltanschauungskrieges. Die Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD 1938–1942
(Stuttgart, 1981), 281–636; by the same authors,
Die Einsatzgruppe A der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD 1941/42
(Frankfurt a. M., etc., 1996), 11 ff. A fifth Einsatzgruppe was finally set up at the headquarters of Eberhard Schöngarth, the commander of the security police in Cracow, and set out at the beginning of July for the eastern Polish territories; from August it was referred to as ‘Einsatzgruppe z.b.V.’ (Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 180 f.).

21
. In October 1941 the 990 members of Einsatzgruppe A were composed of the following: 35 SD men, 41 Kripo men, 89 Stapo officials, 133 order police, 340 Waffen-SS; the remaining personnel were heavy-duty vehicle drivers, emergency services staff (who as a rule had not previously been members of the SS or police), telecommunications staff, administrative staff, and 13 female employees (Doc. L-180, Stahlecker report of 15 October 1941, published in
IMT
, vol. 37, pp. 670 ff.).

22
. In his biography
Best
Ulrich Herbert elucidated this type by means of an exemplary case.

23
. Wilhelm, ‘Einsatzgruppe A’, 281 ff.

24
. For literature on the order police see, for example, Andrej Angrick, ‘“Da hätte man schon ein Tagebuch führen müssen”. Das Polizeibataillon 322 und die Judenmorde im Bereich der Heeresgruppe Mitte während des Sommers und Herbstes 1941. Mit einer Auseinandersetzung über die rechtlichen Konsequenzen’, in Helge Grabitz (ed.),
Die Normalität des Verbrechens. Bilanz und Perspektiven der Forschung zu den nationalsozialistischen Gewaltverbrechen
.
Festschrift für Wolfgang Scheffler zum 65 Geburtstag
(Berlin, 1994), 325–84; Christopher
R. Browning,
Ganz normale Männer. Das Reserve-Polizeibataillon 101 und die ‘Endlösung’ in Polen
(Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1993); Daniel Jonah Goldhagen,
Hitlers willige Vollstrecker. Ganz gewöhnliche Deutsche und der Holocaust
(Berlin, 1996); Konrad Kwiet, ‘Auftakt zum Holocaust. Ein Polizeibataillon im Osteinsatz’, in Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (ed.),
Der Nationalsozialismus
(Frankfurt a. M., 1993), 191–208;Jürgen Matthäus, ‘What about the “Ordinary Men”? The German Order Police and the Holocaust in the Occupied Soviet Union’,
Holocaust and Genocide Studies
, 10/2 (1996), 134–50; Klaus-Michael Mallmann, ‘Vom Fuβvolk der “Endlösung”. Ordnungspolizei, Ostkrieg und Judenmord’,
Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für Deutsche Geschichte
, 26 (1997), 355–91; Neufeld, Huck, and Tessin,
Ordnungspolizei
.

25
. These were members of the ‘Reinforced Police Protection’, composed of those born between 1901 and 1909, the full complement of which at the beginning of the war was supposed to be 95,000 (BAB, R 19/382, address by Daluege, 16 January 1941). At the beginning of 1942, of the 117,525 reservists who had been called up only 7,325 were with the battalions (NS 19/335, Daluege’s lecture at the meeting of 1 to 4 February 1942). The total strength of all the battalions ran to just 60 000 men (ibid. memorandum from the chief of the order police, 20 August 1940).

26
. The volunteers of the so-called ‘operation 26,000 men’ were recruited from those born between 1918 and 1920 (police trainees), as well as from the years 1905 to 1912 (recruited as corporals) (BHStA, Reichsstatthalter Epp, decrees from the RFSS of 11 und 31 October 1939, decree from the Reich Minister of the Interior of 25 October 1939). Volunteers were deployed in a total of 31 battalions, in other words, only about half of those recruited from operation 26,000 men (cf. BAB, NS 19/395, memorandum from the chief of the order police, 20 August 1940).

27
. Wegner,
Politische Soldaten
, 142 and 149 ff.

28
. On this matter see Yehoshua Büchler, ‘Kommandostab Reichsführer-SS: Himmler’s Personal Murder Brigades in 1941’,
Holocaust and Genocide Studies
, 1/1 (1986), 11–25, here 13 f., and also Martin Cüppers,
Wegbereiter der Shoah. Die Waffen-SS, der Kommandostab Reichsführer-SS und die Judenvernichtung 1939–1945
(Darmstadt, 2005), 64 ff.

29
. BAB, NS 19/3508, SS Leadership Office, 24 April and 6 May 1941.