33. See David Brion Davis, The Slave Power Conspiracy and the Paranoid Style (Baton Rouge, 1969).
34. Quoted in Robert Remini, “The Election of 1832,” History of American Presidential Elections , ed. Arthur Schlesinger and Fred Israel (New York, 1971), I, 509.
35. Nicholas Biddle to Henry Clay, Aug. 1, 1832, quoted in Govan, Nicholas Biddle , 203.
36. Robert Remini, Henry Clay (New York, 1991), 400.
37. See in particular Schlesinger, Age of Jackson ; Sellers, Market Revolution .
38. See James Huston, Securing the Fruits of Labor (Baton Rouge, 1998), 219–31.
39. Naomi Lamoreaux, Insider Lending: Banks, Personal Connections, and Economic Development in Industrial New England (Cambridge, Eng., 1994), 38, where she also quotes Rantoul.
40. Michael Holt, The Rise and Fall of the Whig Party (New York, 1999), 15.
41. Steven Bullock, Revolutionary Brotherhood (Chapel Hill, 1996), 312–13. “When Masonry began to revive after 1840,” notes Bullock, “it shed many of the elements that had made it so troubling” (313).
42. See John Belohlavek, “Dallas, the Democracy, and the Bank War,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography , 96 (1972), 377–90, esp. 388.
43. Paul Nardulli et al., “Voter Turnout in U.S. Presidential Elections,” PS: Political Science and Politics 29 (1996): 481, graph 1.
44. James Curtis, Andrew Jackson and the Search for Vindication (Boston, 1976), 131.
45. Entire confidence should not be placed in the popular vote figures for 1832; see Remini, Jackson , II, 391.
46. See Edward Perkins, “Lost Opportunities for Compromise in the Bank War,” Business History Review 61 (1987): 531–50; Frank Gatell, “Sober Second Thoughts on Van Buren, the Albany Regency, and the Wall Street Conspiracy,” JAH 53 (1966): 19–40.
47. Presidential Messages, II, 606.
48. Ibid., III, 7.
49. John S. Bassett, The Life of Andrew Jackson (New York, 1911), II, 650; Remini, Andrew Jackson and the Bank War , 43.
50. Cole, Presidency of Andrew Jackson , 197. The amount fluctuated considerably as tax receipts were not uniform throughout the year.
51. William McDonald, Jacksonian Democracy (New York, 1906), 220; Catterall, Second Bank , 289.
52. Duane’s account is quoted in James Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson (New York, 1861), III, 519, 530.
53. Senate Documents , 23d Cong., 1st sess., no. 2; Taney’s directions to the banks of deposit are quoted in Richard Timberlake, Origins of Central Banking in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), 45.
54. [William J. Duane,] Narrative and Correspondence Concerning the Removal of the Deposites (Philadelphia, 1838); Sellers, Market Revolution , 334–36.
55. Merrill Peterson has written The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun (New York, 1987).
56. Jackson quoted in Parton, Life of Jackson , III, 542. Clay’s speech calling for censure and Jackson’s remonstrance against it are reprinted in Harry Watson, ed., Andrew Jackson vs. Henry Clay (Boston, 1997), 214–31.
57. Congress challenged President Andrew Johnson’s right to remove cabinet officers without Senate consent by the Tenure of Office Act of 1867 and subsequent impeachment proceedings. Johnson was acquitted and the Tenure of Office Act eventually declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.
58. David Crockett to John Durey, April 4, 1834, in The Boisterous Sea of Liberty , ed. David Brion Davis and Steven Mintz (New York, 1998), 375.
59. Remini, Henry Clay , 458–61; Major Wilson, “The ‘Country’ versus the ‘Court’: Republican Consensus and Party Debate in the Bank War,” JER 15 (1995): 619–48.
60. Holt, Rise and Fall of Whig Party , 37–38.
61. Quotations of Biddle from Harry Watson, Liberty and Power (New York, 1990), 157; Thomas Govan, Nicholas Biddle (Chicago, 1959), 253.
62. Parton, Life of Jackson , III, 549–50; Catterall, Second Bank , 324.
63. Jacob Meerman, “The Climax of the Bank War: Biddle’s Contraction,” Journal of Political Economy 71 (1963): 378–88; Walter Buckingham Smith, Economic Aspects of the Second Bank (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), 171–72.
64. Catterall, Second Bank , 371, 375; Smith, Economic Aspects , 178–230.
65. Fritz Redlich, The Molding of American Banking (New York, 1947), 174.
66. McFaul, Politics of Jacksonian Finance , 16–48. Kendall avowed his preference for “politically friendly” banks; see Remini, Andrew Jackson and the Bank War , 117.
67. Frank Gatell, “Secretary Taney and the Baltimore Pets,” Business History Review 39 (1965): 205–27; idem, “Spoils of the Bank War,” AHR 70 (1964): 35–58; McFaul, Politics of Jacksonian Finance , 147–56.
68. Edwin Burrows and Mike Wallace, Gotham (New York, 1999), 575.
69. Benjamin Klebaner, American Commercial Banking: A History (Boston, 1990), 14.
70. David Martin, “Metallism, Small Notes, and Jackson’s War with the BUS,” Explorations in Economic History 11 (1973–74): 227–47.
71. Catterall, Second Bank , 508.
72. Presidential Messages , II, 449–50, 523–25.
73. The “forty-bale theory” is analyzed in Freehling, Prelude to Civil War , 193–96. The modern calculation comes from John A. James, “The Optimal Tariff in the Antebellum United States,” American Economic Review 71 (1981): 731.
74. Michael O’Brien, Conjectures of Order: Intellectual Life and the American South (Chapel Hill, 2004), II, 827.
75. Both versions of the Exposition are printed in The Papers of John C. Calhoun , ed. Clyde Wilson and Edwin Hemphill (Columbia, S.C., 1977), X, 442–534.
76. Ibid., 528–29.
77. Calhoun to Frederick W. Symmes, July 26, 1831, ibid., XI, 413–40, quotations from 436, 438.
78. Quotations in this paragraph are from Niven, John C. Calhoun, 183.
79. Madison’s principal statements on nullification between April 1830 and March 1833 are in Writings of James Madison , ed. Jack Rakove (New York, 1999), 842–66. On their inconsistency with his position in 1798–1800, see Kevin Gutzman, “A Troublesome Legacy: James Madison and ‘the Principles of ’98,’” JER 15 (1995): 569–89. For a sympathetic exposition of Madison’s thinking in 1830–33, see Drew McCoy, The Last of the Fathers (New York, 1989), 138–51.
80. Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Union (New York, 1956), 240–47.
81. Register of Debates , 22nd Cong., 1st sess. (June 28, 1832), 3830–31 (House); (July 13, 1832), 1293 (Senate). South Carolina and Virginia were the only states both of whose senators opposed the bill.
82. The best account of the Tariff of 1832, correcting confusions in some others, is in Donald Ratcliffe, “The Nullification Crisis, Southern Discontents, and the American Political Process,” American Nineteenth-Century History 1 (2000), 1–30.
83. On Charleston’s division between nullifiers and Unionists, see William and Jane Pease, The Web of Progress (New York, 1985), 71–82.
84. The Crisis; or, Essays on the Usurpations of the Federal Government. By Brutus (Charleston, S.C., 1827).
85. The classic study of nullification in South Carolina is William Freehling, Prelude to Civil War (New York, 1965).
86. Knick Harley, “The Antebellum American Tariff,” Explorations in Economic History 29 (1992): 375–400.
87. Philip Morgan, “Work and Culture: The Task System and the World of Lowcountry Blacks,” WMQ 39 (1982): 563–99; Peter Coclanis, “How the Low Country Was Taken to Task,” in Slavery, Secession, and Southern History , ed. Robert Paquette and Louis Ferleger (Charlottesville, Va., 2000), 59–78; Judith Ann Carney, Black Rice: African Origins of Rice Cultivation in the Americas (Cambridge, Mass., 2001).
88. The Ordinance of Nullification is printed in Benton, Thirty Years View , 297–98.
89. The only other vice president to resign has been Spiro Agnew in 1973.
90. Presidential Messages , II, 640–56, quotations from 640, 654; italics in original.